In October 2016 a number of senior judges from all levels of Nigeria's superior courts of record (ie, the High Court, the Court of Appeal and the Supreme Court) were arrested. Of the seven judges arrested, only two have been charged to date. Of these two, one was recently discharged following a no case submission by his counsel. This reversal must have been embarrassing for the government, given the manner in which it conducted the operation to arrest the judge.
The whistleblower policy unveiled at the end of 2016 is already producing results. The government has recovered a significant amount of stolen funds, including the amount recovered from a property owned by the former group managing director of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation. This must have been embarrassing for the government, as money laundering charges against the official were withdrawn in 2016. The basis of the decision to withdraw those charges must now be examined.
The first convictions were recently handed down in a series of prosecutions commenced due to widespread fuel subsidy fraud, which reportedly cost the treasury more than $6 billion. Investigations into the fraud commenced at the start of 2012, following the discovery of a discrepancy between the amount of motor fuel subsidised by the government and the country's actual consumption.
The Federal Ministry of Finance recently released details of its new whistleblowing programme, through which it aims to obtain information deemed to be in the public interest concerning the violation of financial regulations, theft, the mismanagement of public funds and assets and financial malpractice and fraud. Although it is still early days, the likelihood of the initiative achieving any of its objectives is low.
A number of Nigerian judges, from the Supreme Court to the high courts, have been arrested on suspicion of engaging in corruption. Observers of the Nigerian judiciary will not be greatly surprised by the allegations: the corruption that the Goodluck Jonathan government has been accused of also includes allegations of serious judicial misconduct. The president of the Nigerian Bar Association has condemned the arrests as a "Gestapo-style operation".
The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission is reportedly investigating around 250 companies and individuals in connection with the alleged misappropriation of funds by Sambo Dasuki. Under Nigerian money laundering legislation, the banks through which the funds were moved were obliged to take a number of steps to enable law enforcement agencies to monitor the movement of funds and prevent misappropriation.
The Criminal Justice Administration Act came into force in May 2015 and was intended to introduce a criminal justice system that promotes efficient management of criminal justice institutions and protects society from crime. However, the media continues to be dominated by stories involving the prosecution of prominent political members that demonstrate that the act has – at least until recently – had no significant effect.
President Buhari's election in 2015 was followed by what appeared to be a spike in enforcement activities relating to alleged corruption, misfeasance in public office and capital market and related infringements. While most of this renewed activity was connected to proceedings and investigations that were ongoing, some was undoubtedly a consequence of the election results.
Since the results of the recent federal elections were announced there has been a spike in enforcement activities relating to alleged corruption, misfeasance in public office and capital markets and related infringements. Most of the action relates to proceedings and investigations that were previously ongoing, but some investigations have presumably been reinvigorated by the election results.
The UK and Nigerian media have reported the arrests of two UK businessmen on suspicion of having bribed a Norwegian official who was allegedly involved in the sale of six ex-Norwegian navy vessels to a private security company in Nigeria. The men are alleged to have paid more than $150,000 to a Norwegian civil servant in order to help secure the sale of the decommissioned vessels by disguising their eventual destination.
The Central Bank of Nigeria's Bank Verification Number (BVN) project requires all bank customers to complete biometric registration (fingerprints and photographs) and obtain a BVN, through which all transactions by that particular customer may be verified. Despite this, however, law enforcement agencies in Nigeria continue to experience serious challenges in dealing with financial crime.
An individual who is currently a member of the federal legislature and had ambitions of becoming the governor of Delta State has reported to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission that certain "high-ranking members of the ruling People's Democratic Party" demanded bribes in order to arrange for his nomination as the party's candidate for governor of Delta State.
Recent months have seen fraud and bribery return to the headlines. Reports emerged of alleged corrupt payments in a case involving a former oil minister; the High Court cast doubt on the ability of a Nigerian bank to enforce an English fraud judgment obtained against a former bank chief executive; and a former House of Representatives committee chairman on trial for extorting a bribe succeeded in further delaying his trial.
A former speaker of Nigeria's House of Representatives, Dimeji Bankole, was recently acquitted of charges of improperly awarding contracts and embezzling funds while in office. When criminal cases end in this fashion, it is usually because the case was either poorly investigated, poorly presented to the court, or both.
The Supreme Court recently reversed a decision affirming the conviction of a high-profile political appointee for improprieties while in office. The decision has been condemned as "perplexing", likely to "encourage corruption in the country" and "the latest in a long line of judicially orchestrated set-backs for the fight against corruption in Nigeria".
Several significant developments in anti-corruption actions related to Nigeria have occurred outside the country. A prominent case involves four British nationals charged with conspiring to bribe Nigerian officials. However, frustration remains that none of the Nigerian officials who are alleged to have taken bribes have been charged with any offences in Nigeria. In addition, many corruption cases have stalled in the court system.
The Court of Appeal recently overturned the convictions of two former members of Sani Abacha's entourage, who had been accused of involvement in the murder of an enemy of the Abacha regime. This ruling reflects what many consider to be the two biggest obstacles to the adequate investigation and prosecution of criminal cases: lack of capacity in law enforcement agencies and lack of political will to empower such agencies.
In two recent decisions the Federal High Court has held that although the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission has the power to seize assets and seek interim forfeiture orders, it is not entitled to appoint an agent to manage forfeited assets without an express order of the court. However, the validity of these decisions has been questioned and clarification from the Court of Appeal is now awaited.
There have been mixed signals about Nigeria's ability and willingness to address corruption. However, public outcry in response to the lenient punishment handed down to an individual accused of embezzling from the police pension fund seems to have provided impetus for change. The Judicial Council has dismissed corrupt judges and the Bar Association has initiated a challenge to the anti-money laundering law.
The shadow of foreign anti-corruption and anti-money laundering enforcement actions continues to hang heavily over Nigeria. The past few months have witnessed new enforcement activity, all heavily linked to previous action taken in the United Kingdom and the United States and by the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development.